We also report the complicated distribution of syllable sizes with respect to their position in the word, which might be related with the emerging MAL. We show the presence of the inverted regime, not exhibited by the null model, and we demonstrate robustness of our results. To support this claim, we analyze MAL on data from 21 languages, consisting of texts from the Standardized Project Gutenberg. This observation does not apply to the more precise Menzerath-Altmann’s law, which predicts an inverted regime for sufficiently range constructs, i.e., the longer is a word, the longer are its syllables. We show that this null model complies with Menzerath’s law, revealing that Menzerath’s law itself can hardly be a criterion of complexity in communication. First, we derive the exact form of MAL for texts generated by the memoryless source with three emitted symbols, which can be interpreted as a monkey typing model or a null model. In this paper, we investigate the anatomy of MAL for constructs being word tokens and constituents being syllables, measuring its length in graphemes.
In contrast, Menzerath-Altmann’s law (MAL) is a precise mathematical power-law-exponential formula which expresses the expected length of the linguistic construct conditioned on the number of its constituents. Menzerath’s law is a quantitative linguistic law which states that, on average, the longer is a linguistic construct, the shorter are its constituents. Alarcos Llorach (1950) considers the affricate feature non-pertinent and classifies both affricates together with the. Our transcription is, thus, more appropriate (see figure 7). Navarro Tomás says that it is not the voiced sound corresponding to this one. Furthermore, it is pronounced further back than, which is palato-alveolar. We have studied this phenomenon (Martınez- Celdrán & Fernández-Planas 2001) and we agree with Navarro Tomás (1918), who remarks that the second element was not the same as the French but weaker, that is, indeed, an approximant. had not been used before in symbolic representations, since the most common way to represent it used to be (Quilis 1993). Thus, this phoneme resembles the phonemes / b, d, g /, which, in very similar contexts, have stop allophones and spirant approximant allophones. Alarcos Llorach 1950) have considered that the consonant they transcribe as / y / (non-IPA) has two allophones, which – in IPA transcription – are and : the former after a pause, a nasal or, the latter elsewhere: cónyuge ‘partner’, mayo ‘May’. The IPA, though, classifies it as a consonant.
I think that the former is a real consonant, whereas the latter is a semi-consonant, as it has traditionally been called in Spanish, or a semi-vowel, if preferred. and are two different segments, but they have to be labelled as voiced palatal approximant consonants. In my opinion, the IPA shows a lack of precision in the treatment it gives to approximants, if we take into account our understanding of the phonetics of Spanish. ’, pronounced with a hiatus, and vio ‘s/he saw’, pronounced with a diphthong, respectively. On the other hand, Spanish does not admit consonant groups in syllable onset, except for those formed by a stop or plus, so cannot be a syllable onset group. The two occurrences of are simplified into one, becoming the onset of the second syllable.
In Spanish, diphthongs are always diphonemic. In (2), does not appear in syllable onset, but in the syllable nucleus as a marginal element that accompanies the vowel in the nucleus of the syllable. In figure 4, we can see an example of this realization in the sequence, which can be found in a sentence like ‘Vi yo’ ese animal fantástico ‘It was I who saw that fantastic animal’. (1), appears in syllable onset, there is no diphthong, the preceding is voiced through a rule of voicing before any voiced consonant.
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